How terror attacks on faith communities tear the social fabric - ABC Religion & Ethics

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It is hard not to be profoundly disturbed by the footage of a young man, clad in black, approaching a bishop at the pulpit and stabbing at him repeatedly before congregants intervened. Perhaps this was precisely point. The act was performative and coincided with the livestreaming of the service to an audience within Australia and around the world to an audience of over 240,000 followers. It also captured and built on the shock — the trauma, even — of a mass stabbing at a shopping centre in Bondi Junction just two days earlier.

The attacker was, thankfully, subdued by parishioners at the Assyrian Orthodox Christ The Good Shepherd Church in Wakeley, Sydney, before he could seriously injure the presiding bishop, Mar Mari Emmanuel. Members of the congregation acted courageously, risking their own lives to save their bishop.

Shortly thereafter, word of the attack spread and between 500 and 600 people — among them members of the Assyrian Orthodox community, primarily men, as well as members of other Assyrian, Maronite, Catholic, and Coptic Christian communities — converged on Wakeley. The New South Wales Police were forced to disperse the crowd, leading to a series of violent exchanges: they included damage done to several police vehicles and many police officers being wounded. Portions of the crowd reportedly chanted "Bring him out!" with religious fervour and (given the composition of the crowd) a kind of hypermasculine anger. Footage of the alleged offender, a 16-year-old boy, in custody emerged shortly after and by the following morning, New South Wales Police had declared the incident a terror attack.

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A week on from the attack and amid the vast array of immediate commentary that characterises any media coverage, it is an opportune time to consider some of the deeper issues and questions that emerge.

As with any incident of public violence — and particularly in the case of terrorism — it is after the act itself that the harm is most evident. To put this another way: it is in the immediate aftermath of the attack that the dangers for social cohesion are greatest and urgent questions emerge that must be addressed quickly and transparently.

The most pressing questions/issues so far revolve around three areas:

These are, in varying degrees, interconnected issues, and I will address them sequentially in what follows.

What makes an attack a "terrorist act"?

The designation of the attack on Bishop Mar Mari as an act of terrorism was, in policing terms, almost immediate. At a press conference the morning after the attack New South Wales Police Commissioner Karen Webb said that a decision had been reached early in the morning that the attack was a "terrorist incident":

We believe there are elements that are satisfied in terms of religious-motivated extremism and, of course, the intimidation of the public through that person's acts by attending that church while it was being live streamed, intimidating not only the parishioners in attendance but those watching online.

This stands in stark contrast to the equally swift declaration that the Bondi stabbings were not terrorism — this is despite the fact that five of the six victims of the attack were female and nine of the twelve wounded were women. The one male victim was a security guard and another male security guard was seriously wounded. Further, video footage appeared to show the attacker actively avoiding men.

Many in the community, including experts in violence against women, and Muslim community leaders immediately questioned why one stabbing that appeared to target a certain group was terrorism and the other was not.

To be classified as terrorism, police must be satisfied that the act meets the definitions and has the key elements outlined in Division 101 of the Criminal Code Act 1995 (Commonwealth):

A terrorist act is an act, or a threat to act, that meets both these criteria:

  • [I]t intends to coerce or influence the public or any government by intimidation to advance a political, religious or ideological cause.
  • [I]t causes one or more of the following: death, serious harm or danger to a person; serious damage to property; a serious risk to the health or safety of the public; serious interference with, disruption to, or destruction of critical infrastructure such as a telecommunications or electricity network.

In the case of the attack on Bishop Mar Mari, it was reported that the alleged offender openly stated his religious motivation (as defending Islam). Further, it seemed to be timed to coincide with a livestream, and obviously caused serious harm and danger. Labelling the incident an "act of terror" would not, historically, be particularly controversial. However, in the context of the Bondi stabbing just days before, where mental health was stated to be a key confounding factor, the age and mental health of the alleged Wakeley offender were also stated as potential issues by some leaders within Muslim communities.

There have been efforts by some in Muslim communities to challenge the designation of religious motivation for terrorism as an element of the Australian legislation. Gamal Kheir, Secretary of the Lebanese Muslim Association, asked, "Why are we so quick to jump to a definition of terrorism when religion is involved?"

A number of academics have made similar arguments. Vicky Sentas, for example, drawing on the terror-related prosecutions of Australian Muslims, has asserted that the introduction of a motive element ("a political, religious or ideological cause") locates identity and belief as central while purporting to only criminalise actions, and argues that the concept of extremism enables the law to act on the "cultural and religious assemblage of race, without referencing race" — which is to say, the law effectively institutionalises racism. Other lawyers and activists have made similar arguments, calling for the repealing of religion as a motive in terrorism legislation.

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Notwithstanding the powerful contribution of religion to human progress over thousands of years, and the overwhelming emphasis on Salafi jihadism in terrorism prosecutions, to say nothing of the surveillance which many Australian Muslims feel has disproportionately targeted their communities, it remains important to correctly and transparently label the motivation of a terror actor seeking to achieve societal division. Recent prosecutions of far-right terror actors and the decision to label of the murder of police at Wieambilla in December 2022 as a dispensational premillennialist Christian inspired terror attack illustrate the continued utility of doing so.

However, the argument made by Vicky Sentas is an important one, and points to a more general observation concerning the treatment of majoritarian extremism in Australia. In much the same way as there was little national introspection in the aftermath of white Australian terrorist Brenton Tarrant's terror attack on Muslim worshippers in Christchurch, New Zealand, it appears that our legal institutions have some way to go.

Consider, for instance, the case of a Victorian magistrate stating that the prospects of rehabilitation of two neo-Nazis were good and wishing them luck. Shortly thereafter, one of them allegedly performed a banned Hitler salute on the courthouse steps, resulting in his prosecution. This ruling was appealed by police prosecutors on the grounds that it was "manifestly inadequate". There has also been a conspicuous reluctance to prosecute, internationally, acts of violent misogyny that clearly have an ideological motivation — including acts by so-called "involuntary celibates" or "incels". There has only been a single successful prosecution of an individual for an act of terrorism inspired by incel ideology, and that was in Canada in 2023.

The stabbings at Westfield Bondi Junction raise the question of whether the seemingly clear choice of targets was inspired by a misogynist ideology (noting, of course, that mental illness does not preclude holding and acting upon an ideology). Ultimately, the coronial investigation may cast some light on this.

Is more violence imminent?

Australia's Assyrian Orthodox Christian community are primarily of Mesopotamian heritage (Iraq, Turkey, Iran, and Syria) and many fled the conflict between Iraq and Iran in the 1980s to start a new life in this country. They have a deeper historical experience of oppression on the basis of their faith: historians claim that 300,000 Assyrians were killed by the Ottomans between 1914 and 1923. The Assyrian genocide has been recognised by the New South Wales, South Australian, and Tasmanian parliaments, and is denied in equal measure by the Turkish government.

In this context, it is not difficult to understand the central role of religion in general, and of religious institutions in particular, in Assyrian-Australian life — and hence the protective instincts among the approximately 80,000 strong population based primarily in Western Sydney, of whom approximately 60,000 are associated with the Assyrian Orthodox Church (the rest are Chaldean).

As with most Orthodox Churches, there is a strong textualist bent to church teaching, and Bishop Mar Mari himself has been subject to criticism due to the content of his sermons. He openly criticised the pandemic lockdowns and the efficacy of vaccines. He has previously declared: "LGBT is much greater and harsher than sin. It's a crime. It's a crime in the sight of God … because LGBT is the abolishment of human identity."

Bishop Mar Mari Emmanuel during a sermon posted to The Good Shepherd Church Youtube channel.(Supplied: YouTube)

More recently, in sermons published on YouTube, Mari has questioned the veracity of Islam, the status of the Prophet Muhammad, and has even associated Islam with the "pale horse" of Revelation 6:8: "and his name that sat on [the horse] was Death, and Hell followed with him. And power was given unto them over the fourth part of the earth, to kill with sword, and with hunger, and with death …" Mari has also, interestingly enough, spoken out on behalf of Palestinians, emphasising their common humanity and their current plight.

All this notwithstanding, this violent attack has only increased the appeal of an already venerated figure within the Assyrian Orthodox community and among Christians more generally in Sydney's outer west. Does this also increase the likelihood of more strident rhetoric and further violent confrontations?

Protection of places of worship

Places of worship serve as an ideal symbolic target for terrorists seeking to divide society and send a clear message. The purpose and the effect of such attacks is to make people of faith feel targeted and unsafe wherever they gather. When Brenton Tarrant livestreamed the atrocity in Christchurch to a global audience, antipathy toward Muslims was central to his messaging — in much the same way that hatred of Jews was enacted when white supremacist Robert Bowers attacked the Tree of Life Synagogue in Pittsburgh. This has always been an issue for Jewish communities, who expend considerable resources to protect their schools, institutions, and places of worship.

A resurgent Islamic State movement has called for attacks on churches in Europe and were notably behind the recent attack on a Catholic church in Istanbul and plots to attack Easter ceremonies in Indonesia. Islamic State likewise inspired the deadly attacks on churches in Sri Lanka in 2019 and on Shiite mosques in Afghanistan last year.

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We do not know enough about the potential range of Salafi Jihadist influences on the young man who attacked the Assyrian Orthodox Church in Western Sydney and whether those influences were local or gleaned from online interactions. But we do know that places of worship are highly attractive targets for those seek to divide society. Ultimately, it was the courage and initiative of parishioners that prevented this attack from being successful.

Notwithstanding some expenditure of funds from state and federal governments to assist security, more funding and work is required to equip faith communities to strengthen their security — ideally without compromising the openness of their institutions that is central to their role in the wider community.

The importance of leadership

The angry response on the part of the crowd that gathered outside the church in Wakeley may have been understandable, but acts of violence were not acceptable and resulted in injury to members of the New South Wales Police, with some being charged.

The key issue, however, was recently put by Hass Dellal of the federal government's Multicultural Framework Review, when he stated that multiculturalism is "at a crossroads" and that more leadership is needed to "break the cycle of hate".

While Bishop Mar Mari professed his forgiveness of his attacker and urged his community not to retaliate, some Muslim political leaders have nonetheless expressed concern that Muslims will be targeted for some form of payback. While this appears unlikely, it is important to consider steps forward. Strong leadership, including among younger community leaders with grassroots connections, is critical, as is a renewal of interfaith ties during a period when geopolitical tensions are pulling at our social fabric.

The only groups to benefit from increased and ongoing conflict are fringe groups seeking to build a larger base of support, primarily among angry young men. Terror attacks try to polarise and divide the world into binaries of "us" and "them". They serve the interests of extremists who seek to exploit social division to advance their cause and tailor their narratives accordingly. We must move beyond the initial, highly emotive responses to these challenges and build bridges across faith and political communities.

Josh Roose is an Associate Professor of Politics at Deakin University. His research explores political and religious violence and extremism with a particular focus on the role of masculinities, citizenship, economies, and the rule of law. His recent books include The New Demagogues: Religion, Masculinity, and the Populist Epoch, Masculinity and Violent Extremism, and the edited collection Security, Religion, and the Rule of Law: International Perspectives.

Posted 23 Apr 202423 Apr 2024Tue 23 Apr 2024 at 1:16am, updated 28 Apr 202428 Apr 2024Sun 28 Apr 2024 at 11:24pm